TA3BEER: Meditations on Mediation

Fatwa Feeding Frenzy

Over the last few years, several new fatwas have been published, each more controversial than the other. Some of the most notorious ones are the “necrophilia” one, breastfeeding male coworkers, the root vegetable female-relief, and the fatwa forbidding women from handling cucumbers, carrots, and other phallic-shaped fruits and vegetables due to the temptation they could bring about. Other disputable ones range from forbidding women from sitting on chairs because that would encourage them to open their legs and tempt devils with intercourse; last but not least, a fatwa forbidding the burial of men and women in the same cemetery was being discussed, as if the cadavers would be tempted to engage in unholy fornication.

These fatwas, often emitted by controversial “clerics” have made their way into mainstream media, to the point where a recent Al Arabiyah article argued that women in Egypt tried to stop parliament members from passing a law allowing men to sleep with their wives up to six hours after their deaths. Although the said fatwa was issued by a Moroccan “cleric” with no credibility and is contested by all scholars who have heard of it as it is known in Islam that “honoring the dead happens through their burial” and a marriage ends in death, hence the impossibility of fornication following the death of one of the partners. Unfortunately, the article published by Al Arabiyah went viral.

A Tunisian newspaper, after interviewing an Egyptian political activist however dispelled the claims that the Egyptian MPs were considering such a controversial law. Indeed the women opposed proposed laws for early marriage for girls as early as 14, but no mention of the proposed necrophilia law truly existed; a Moroccan source went as far as calling it a hoax. Western media however, aided by social media, jumped on Al Arabiyah’s article and propagated it further, without necessarily double-checking the facts.

Such feeding frenzy is counterproductive as it gives an unfounded fatwa more importance than it warrants. In Morocco, Zamzami, the author of the infamous fatwa has also been nicknamed “the one with the carrot” for advocating the use of carrots, pestles, or cucumbers for female masturbation. Needless to say that his reputation is questionable; his fatwas are also seen as a diversion from allegations of corruption against him, as he was a parliamentary member in the previous government and speculations about his integrity arose after he obtained a taxi contract suspiciously after his career as an MP started nearing its end.

By Zainab Senhaji Rhazi

The Writings on the Wall: Deconstructing Arabic Graffiti

Until recently, books and ethnographies that catalog street art around the globe have largely ignored Arabic graffiti, instead showcasing the abundance of work by activist artists in Europe and the Americas. The Arab Spring has renewed interest in the artistic urban expressions that accompany the revolutionary movements throughout the region. Citizen journalists have made street art in the Arab world more accessible to an audience of designers and appreciators worldwide; in particular, typography enthusiasts, who rejoice in the current prominence of type-based design, are drawn to Arabic graffiti’s creative use of script. Over the last year, ambitious anthologies like Arabic Graffiti by German street culture anthropologist Don Karl and Lebanese typographer Pascal Zoghbi have ventured to explain the connections between the ancient art of Arabic calligraphy and its current form as politically-motivated street art.

Arabic script carries historical meanings when viewed as images rather than merely the words behind them, evoking illustrated Islamic scripture and the traditional calligraphy that has adorned buildings for centuries. Unsurprisingly, calligraphy is a respected art form in the Arab world, and the quality of the script and fidelity to conventions are matters of pride within artistic communities. Hassan Massoudy, a contributor to Arabic Graffiti, describes calligraphy as a full-body experience, “moving breath to breath” with each stroke. So when calligraphy must be expanded to a wall mural’s size and format, it surpasses the physical abilities of the calligrapher and must be constructed as pieces, becoming a designed image and no longer a script. Graffiti bridges this distinction: the fluidity of spray paint allows artists to stay true to the calligrapher’s traditions when leaving their mark on walls. In this way, graffiti pays homage to its “conservative sister” calligraphy and connects with generations of viewers in the public sphere.

One could argue that graffiti is, by its very nature, political because it is an expression of power, imposing itself into public spaces. However, street art is not always considered civil disobedience, as legal ramifications for graffiti artists vary based on context and content. Though technically illegal in Lebanon, Beirut artists can create murals in broad daylight provided that the graffiti does not contain direct political messages.

In Gaza, Palestinian artists use graffiti to express their discontent with occupation and communicate instructions; the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) runs graffiti workshops for youth as a constructive and therapeutic means to express anger and frustration. The competition between Hamas and Fatah expresses itself through party-affiliated tagging, where the former emphasizes how one writes while the latter focused on what one writes. Hamas is especially invested in the work of graffiti artists, providing materials and training in Arabic calligraphy to emphasize the party’s religious nature, while Fatah-affiliated artists paint portraits of community leaders and martyrs. Graffiti on the barrier wall is also problematic, as many in Gaza believe the wall should be left unpainted so as to not beautify or humanize an artificial eyesore.

Arabic graffiti carries similarly nuanced meanings throughout the Arab world, denoting religious or political significance embedded in its artistry. The renaissance and resilience of Arabic calligraphy in street art today mirrors the on-going conversation between tradition and modernity engaging the region.

By Anupam Chakravarty

Arab Spring Revisited

Political instability in the Middle East and North Africa is not a new thing. From the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, to different crises in the region, it seems the Middle East was always prone to much instability. With social networking websites becoming a major source of communication in the region (Facebook had a penetration of up to 45% in the Middle East as of 2010), these tools were seen as a catalyst for the 2011 uprisings against longstanding oppressive regimes according to many observers, as seen in a youth mobilization in Egypt the same year.

In the case of Tunisia, there were initially relatively few indicators of political instability until 2011, when in a matter of 4 weeks, a popular uprising organized primarily through social media ended in the ousting of the president. Despite the government’s attempts to control social media, the Tunisian revolution stood strong.

By contrast, indicators of popular discontent could be seen in Egypt in February 2010, as Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei warned of an Egyptian popular uprising advocating for imminent change, and protesting laws that restrict personal freedom, favor unjust imprisonment, and deprive citizens of their rights. The first demonstrations against the potential transfer of power from the former president to his son were noted in September 2010, although other protests had started earlier due to food shortages. Indeed, as early as 2008, protests started erupting throughout Egypt. In 2008, approximately 7 million Egyptian children were living in dire conditions, below the income poverty line. In addition, unemployment was quite high at 9.7%, while wages were very low, causing youth to revolt. Avian influenza decimated the poultry industry, main source of protein for Egyptians, and prices went up from 3-4 Egyptian pounds per kilo during the initial outbreak in 2006 to 15 LE in 2008, and reached new highs in the following years (up to 21 LE/ kilo), while Foot and Mouth Disease, Rift Valley Fever, and other epizootic outbreaks decimated up to 30% of the animal industry, causing the prices to go up as well.

From January to February 2011, unrest in Egypt, empowered by the recent toppling of the Tunisian government, quickly evolved into mass protests; brutality against protesters, media and communication restrictions and shutdowns, strikes, international criticism, government-backed disturbance of the peace through the release of thugs and prisoners were noted.

Eventually, the gradual transfer of power and fall of the regime took place; despite media outages and crackdowns, blogs and social networking websites enabled residents to remain in touch and organize, particularly in Egypt. Following the ousting of the former regime, more concerns started growing over the introduction of new ideologies and those formerly prohibited, such as Al Gama’a Al Islamiyah in Egypt. New indications and warnings for uprisings started erupting throughout the Arab World, from Yemen to Mauritania and beyond, in light of potential cross-border influence [e.g. imported anti-government slogans].

Lessons learned from these events are relevant as we continue to witness the unrest in Syria, Egypt, Bahrain, Mauritania, and others, leading to international efforts to oust some oppressive regimes, while the international community stands still as other regimes are committing horrific genocides. Such dramatic and relatively sudden changes within longstanding regimes can have ripple effects not only on the Middle East and North Africa, but the entire world.

By Zainab Senhaji Rhazi

U.S. Media Portrayals of the “Iranian Nuclear Threat”

It is an image accompanied by rhetoric that seems quite familiar to those who followed U.S. media news coverage preceding the 2003 U.S.-Iraq War. Details of a nuclear weapons program that is “very close to possessing nuclear capabilities,” projections of nuclear threats on American soil, and rampant “what if” scenarios threaten to overwhelm poignant news coverage of the issue at hand.

In recent weeks there have been several critiques published that characterize U.S. media news coverage of the growing tension between U.S. and Iran as reactionary (see these two pieces from the Huffington Post and Foreign Policy), with sensational stories emerging that blur the lines between imminent threat and preventative tactic/technique. Quite a few of these stories purport a false clear reality, one in which Iran already possesses an active program with the express intent of developing nuclear capabilities. Many major U.S. television media news sources then suggest that it is a short leap from this to Iran becoming an international aggressor intent on demolishing its enemies with nuclear power.

Several prominent political scientists have suggested that Iran is really a realist actor and that the misinformed focus on the bombastic rhetoric of Ahmadinejad preemptively solidifies Iran’s nuclear activities as aggressive offensive tactics/actions. Accusations that Iran is an offensive actor dominate discussions, blocking out other potential interpretations of the inconclusive information U.S. intelligence now possesses (for example: considering Iran as a defensive reactor responding to changing dynamics within the region). Speculation nevertheless remains the most potent factor in news coverage, with a recent report from Al-Jazeera’s “The Listening Post” suggesting that sensational television journalism is overriding any interest in acknowledging/discussing the complexity of what is a crucial U.S. foreign policy issue.

The U.S. needs more nuanced news coverage that displays the complexities behind Iran’s uranium enrichment program and questions the seemingly accepted factuality of Iran’s intent to not only build a nuclear weapon, but also then use that weapon against the U.S. and/or its regional allies. Making such drastic announcements/conclusions using “unnamed sources” and without substantiated evidence will further hurt the U.S. media’s legitimacy and credibility in a time when the memories of U.S. media blunders with regards to Iraq remain fresh.

By Candace Gibson

Citizen Journalism Nabs Regime Criminal

Citizen journalism has often been criticized because of its occasional lack of credibility and one’s inability to verify the information received. But a very recent example proved that citizen journalism could be extremely helpful not just for supplementing mainstream media, but also for transitional justice.

On Saturday April 14^th, a young Egyptian political activist named Dr. Mohamed AbdelGhani was driving through the Knightsbridge neighborhood in London when he suddenly spotted Youssef Boutros Ghali, the former Minister of Finance of Egypt currently facing corruption charges in absentia and an arrest warrant by Interpol. AbdelGhani posted a video (below) of his encounter with Ghali online (which now has over 900,000 views). The video shows Ghali walking away from AbdelGhani (who by then had stepped out of his car), fiddling with his phone apparently trying to call the police. AbdelGhani follows Ghali attempting to engage in a conversation with him by confronting him with the fact that he has an arrest warrant from the Interpol, that he has stolen Egyptian money, and that his ‘hands are filthy with the blood of Egyptians’. Ghali throws some insults at AbdelGhani intermittently, calling him ‘rotten’ and ‘a thief’. At some point, Ghali appears to have attempted to snatch AbdelGhani’s recording device but to no avail, leaving AbdelGhani laughing in the background. The video ends with Ghali getting away from AbdelGhani, and then a black screen appears with a note saying that AbdelGhani subsequently called the police to report the details of his encounter with Ghali.

The video is in and of itself very interesting to watch, but what is even more interesting is how the public both inside and outside Egypt received this video. Within twenty-four hours, the video had already been posted on YouTube, AlMasry AlYoum’s main Arabic page, on AlTahrir Channel’s Facebook Page, in addition to being posted by various prominent Facebook groups, such as Rassd News Network (R.N.N.), We are all Khaled Said (Arabic) and many others. Less than two weeks since the incident and AbdelGhani has already given numerous interviews in Egypt’s leading newspapers, networks and programs, including Al Hayat, Nasbook, AlMasry Alyoum, Akhbar AlYoum and Masrawy.

This incident shows that we must continue to have faith in citizen journalism, because in today’s world, where so many things are happening in so many places simultaneously, it is impossible, in terms of resources and time, for mainstream media to cover every story. But this example is equally important for transitional justice in Egypt, as Ghali is not the only individual facing charges in absentia by virtue of the fact that they are abroad. This video shows that just because such criminals live away from Egypt and its police force does not in any way imply that they will escape the eyes of those living in the same countries as them. It is unclear how influential this video is going to be in terms of getting Ghali arrested. However, the important thing to take from this is that even if these videos prove insufficient to bring these people to justice, such criminals can at least live uncomfortably, looking behind their shoulders, knowing that they are (especially after this video) under severe scrutiny by ordinary residents who are fully aware of their crimes.

By Nada Soudy

The Internet in Context

The cultural vacuousness of the 1990s in the United States cannot be overstated. To call the era unintentionally nihilistic would be charitable. To wit, when this represents the high point of cultural production, your decade has problems. (Clintonʼs Shades?... Arsenio?...A Saxophone?!)

Reflecting on that decade, Iʼve begun to think of it as an incubator. Unseen by the legions of Ace of Base fans roaming the streets back then was that beneath the surface the stage was being set for the next generation of cultural production, or for continuedcultural demise, depending on where you sit. Despite, or perhaps because of, the banality of the 90s, this was the decade in which the Internet as we know it was created and solidified. August 6, 1991, the date the first website was published, is probably as good a date as any to dub as the symbolic start of the Internet.

The newness of the internet, and how it was treated in popular culture, was a refreshingly honest response in a time otherwise known for political correctness. Perhaps the “newness” of the Internet is to account for its easy targeting. For example, the film industry became rife with stories about hackers, the internet, and the dystopian possibilities for our on-line future. Hereʼs a list of one authorʼs top ten hacker andcomputer geek movies of all time. All but three were made during the 1990s. My favorites include The Matrix, Hackers (filmed at my high school!), The Net, and Johnny Mnemonic. All of these movies touch on the natural anxiety that arises from the atomizing experience of the Internet. The pinnacle of these movies was undoubtably theThe Matrix. Since its release in 1999, weʼve become used to this experience; weʼve transitioned from fearing the shadowy underworld of the Internet to glorifying what takes place inside of it.

The Matrix was so powerful because, in a way, it ushered us into this era of willing subordination to the infrastructure that underlies so much of our lives. During most of the 90s, when the internet was still new, we were Neo - suspicious but ignorant. But after a while, we became the businessmen, lawyers, and other citizens who were “not ready to be unplugged” and were in fact a “part of the system” that controlled us. That the internet controls us is perhaps a contentious statement. But when we explore what the Internet is, rather than what it does, we see a massive worldwide infrastructure project designed to add “connectivity” within specific contexts that, contrary to ongoing discourse, are not revolutionary, grass-roots, or decentralized in any way.

Internationally, the purpose of the internet is largely to “shrink” the planet, which makes commerce easier - the context is capital. The speed of communication, which Karl

Polanyi wrote makes inefficient the colonial project, is vital to the neo-colonial project. Domestically, the purpose and context are the same, but with the addition of a “legal” component. This means that the internet is only “for the people” insofar as the dual hegemonies of international capital and local government is for the people. Therefore, when we glorify the internet in its role as revolutionary, manager, or connector, we are glorifying the system that enslaves us.

These contexts are especially important when we study the Internet in a revolutionary context, such as Egypt post-Mubarak. Even as the Internet is being utilized byrevolutionaries to attain actual material ends, is it possible to divorce their actions, which enrich a vital piece of the neo-liberal framework,from their stated goals? There is hope that this is the case, that Internet really can work for the people. It is not necessarily found in mesh networks, but in the unruly growth ofthe infrastructure itself, which has limited the ability, even of savvy governments, to control how the internet is used (for instance the campaign against Gaddafi's regime in the video below). Focusing on the infrastructure and how to exploit it or replace it is vital to those who neo-colonialism disempowers. And while the Internet can be used to make claims on sovereignty and physical space, we may find that, because of the physical space and the Internetʼs dubious background, “virtualspace” cannot be occupied.

By Nick Oxenhorn

Syria and the Art of Protest–-Banners

For over a year of revolt in Syria, banners have been extensively used as tool of communicating news, feelings, thoughts, and messages from the Syrian people to the world. Syrians, oppressed for over 40 years, seem to have finally found their voices and a space of free expression in the form of visual art such as graffiti and banners. Also, the lack of professional media coverage in Syria has been a big motive for the creation of numerous innovative, eye-catching, and expressive banners in comparison to other revolts. Banners have become one of the most popular forms of art and communication among Syrians, as well as skill where different villages and towns compete to be best at. The small village of Kafranbel, located in the province of Idlib in northern Syria, was almost unheard of by most Syrians and Arabs before the uprising. Yet now, and thanks to their extremely creative and outstanding banner designs, this small village has become one of the most famous icons of the Syrian Revolution.

Banners can be thought of as the most representative and closest form of media to the normal citizen. They are made directly by the people, and portray their own feelings, thoughts, and ideas, without any manipulation or influence by authorities, nor do they require passing certain standards and regulations. Banners used by protestors communicate different types of messages. Some contain written messages telling news, others show cartoon drawings mocking the regime or expressing events in a comic way. Others contain witty messages or phrases expressing feelings and points of view. Some express support and solidarity with detainees, refugees, and other towns under shelling…etc. Also, banners have been used in protest videos to document the date and location of the protest for extra credibility.

In a developing country like Syria, many people have no experience or access to internet and social media, and thus banner design has been their sole method of self-expression during the uprising. However, the powerful effect banner art has gained was made possible by social media. Numerous Facebook pages dedicated entirely for Syrian revolution banners emerged, serving as a portal for collecting and sharing banner photographs from around the country. This can be thought of as a convergence of format from public to electronic, where messages that were once offline and available only to people physically there have become online, exposed to the entire world, and viewable by anyone like they are present at the scene. This has been very important on several levels, both for internal communication between provinces and towns, as well as delivering news to the outside world. Generally, a limitation of the Syrian uprising banners is that they are mostly written in Arabic, or carry messages that culturally appeal only to Syrians and Arabs, greatly limiting their message scope. However, it appears Syrians have started to realize this and the global outreach potential social media created, and therefore started to create banners in English or with messages targeted at a larger, more diverse audience.

By Somaiya Sibai

Racing into Bahrain: Is Sports the New Diplomacy?

“A new generation has emerged” President Obama stated on February 10, 2011. We have seen the role social media sites such as Twitter, Facebook and YouTube have played in the Arab Spring. Could this new era also usher in new means of achieving diplomacy? The Middle East region is preoccupied with internal conflicts and working to maintain diplomatic relations with its neighbors along with the internat

ional community. Diplomacy has been known to be effective since it requires nations to come together to negotiate issues in which the end results lead to a peaceful resolution.

Bahrain is a small island off the Western coast of Saudi Arabia in the Persian Gulf. Bahrain, like many of its Arab counterparts, is also dealing with uprisings. This small island has been in and out of the media mostly due to poor coverage. The recent coverage of the

island pertains not specifically to the uprisings but in regards to F1 Bahrain Grand Prix. In the midst of dealing with civil war, should this sporting event continue or be cancelled?

The Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile (FIA) has stated in its press release: "Based on the current information the FIA has at this stage, it is satisfied that all the proper security measures are in place and therefore, the FIA confirms that the 2012 Gulf Air F1 Grand Prix of Bahrain will go ahead as scheduled." The racing event will take place on April 22, is this risky act by both FIA and Bahrain?

Sports diplomacy may surpass cultural differences and bridge people, and this form of diplomacy is not new and has been occurring for years. A powerful example is the “Ping Pong diplomacy,” which involved a small ball that paved the way for U.S. and China’s relations in the 1970s. Bahrain and FIA may be following past examples of sports diplomacy and with the Grand Prix continuing as planned, it could influence diplomatic talks internally and externally.

The Olympics are nearing, in which we will see increase coverage of sports, athletes and nations. The Arab nations have already entertained the sphere with the Grand Prix in Bahrain and now with Dalma Malhas, the first female equestrian from Saudi Arabia, who won the Bronze medal in Singapore and landed an invitation to the Olympics. There are debates surrounding her participating in the summer Olympics due to Saudi Arabia’s strict religious observations. Hopefully, she will break that barrier and compete this summer.

More countries are entering the sphere of sports such as, Afghanistan - a country devastated by wars and human right violations-which has seized the attention of many by sending Sadaf Rahimi, the first ever female boxer to compete in the Olympics. Another historic moment came from Egypt with Abdelrahman Ahmed Shaalan, the first Egyptian professional sumo wrestler from the Arab world. His goal is to represent Arab and African nations and his dream “is to become a yokozuna,” (the highest rank in sumo wrestling).

The use of sport can be influential in diplomatic, social, and political relations and topics like these can be powerful in promoting awareness and opening up dialogue when countries are in conflict.

By Nida Ahmad

Egypt's Media Grapple with Pro-SCAF Curricula

The Egyptian Ministry of Education found itself fending off accusations of “brainwashing” and political bias following the January revelation that several versions of mid-year tests for primary and secondary schools contained questions that required students to praise the Egyptian Army and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), as well as questions denigrating the Kifaya and April 6^th political parties. Other questions spoke of the need for hard work instead of demonstrations and criticized sit-ins and the occupation of public streets and squares.

On January 10^th, Wael Abbas' misrdigital posted eight images of politicized test questions that had been posted on Facebook and Twitter, declaring these to be evidence of “SCAF brainwashing our youth.” In the following days, a number of media reports detailed at least seven instances of test politicization in the Cairo, Giza, Alexandria, Beheira, Dakahlia, Sohag and Sharkia governorates. Egyptian daily Dostor briefly outlined the controversial test questions, which included a mandatory expository prompt in Sharkia governorate’s al-Qanaya school instructing students to write a letter to the Freedom and Justice Party, the political party of the Muslim Brotherhood, congratulating them on their spate of victories in recent legislative elections. In the Giza governorate, students were asked to identify grammatical features in a paragraph that stated that the Kifaya and April 6^th movements are attempting to slander the Egyptian army and people.

Most large Egyptian media outlets seem to have either ignored the test politicization controversy or covered it according to the government narrative. Mainstream coverage thus tends to reproduce the Ministry’s statements on the issue. For its part, the Ministry claims that it is not responsible for the questions at issue, and that the individuals responsible for them have been referred for investigation. The Ministry also tried to downplay the controversy by pointing out that politicization was found to be a problem in only 5 of 45 thousand Egyptian schools.

Egyptian daily Youm7 quickly responded to the breaking of the story by quoting an anonymous source within the Ministry who criticized the “attack” on questions that prompt students to reflect on the importance of stability and increasing production, in spite of the fact those attacking the tests “did not criticize…test questions that focused on the revolutionary youth and the lessons learned from the January 25^th revolution, which reflects…a lack of neutrality among those attacking the teachers.”

Coverage of the story that was critical of the Ministry of Education (and, by extension, SCAF) thus remained the province social media, as well as international or internationally-focused media organizations. Saudi-financed and London-based Al-Hayat ran a highly critical piece that began by stating that the true purpose of expository questions in Egyptian educational testing “has been – and remains, and will likely continue to be – the development of [students’] subservient abilities and encouraging their parroting skills!” The Al-Hayat piece furthermore framed the controversy as merely the latest episode in the hagiographic tradition of Egyptian test questions that have required students to praise every political leader since Nasir. Cairo-based onislam.net likewise ran a critical account of the episode on its Arabic site, recounting accusations that “’subservience’ to [political] power still pervades the soul of the Ministry of Education who in turn transmits it to students, which is not compatible with the goals of the January 25^th revolution.”

[Primary Arabic language, first term. “Expository question:
These days, Egypt needs [hard] work instead of demonstrations
that hinder production. Respond.” misrdigital.blogspirit.com]

By Mike Raish

The Repercussions of Women’s Voices

One year since the uprisings in the Middle East first began, significant changes and new possibilities in the region have been ushered in. We watched as dictators from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen all fell while still others are being brought to the spotlight for accountability and change in government. The streets were packed with protestors for days and nights and one might believe that men were the only ones risking their lives or more importantly were the only ones leading the protests. However, there have been several courageous women who stepped out in front of media outlets and throughout the streets of Sana’a, Tripoli, and Cairo, just to name a few. They have fought for their rights as well as to have their voices heard, experiencing both positive and negative consequences of participating in protests. Have their voices been heard? What, or if any changes, have the women attained since the revolutions first began?

The voices of women have indeed been heard; they defied dictators and comrades, refusing to stop even at the sign of discontent. Tawakul Karman is an activist from Yemen who was awarded the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize. Joined with others, she stormed the streets of Sana’a to call upon President Ali Abdullah Saleh's regime to step down. Lina Ben Mhenni, an Internet activist from Tunisia, used her blog A Tunisian Girl along with other social media sites to document the protests occurring in her country via words and images. She was awarded the Deutsche Welle International Blog Award and El Mundo’s International Journalism Prize for her work.

Asmaa Mahfouz (left) is an Egyptian activist who has been credited for fueling the fire for the massive uprising of the 2011 Egyptian revolution. She used video blogs to voice her concerns about human rights, women’s rights, and other issues that were neglected by President Hosni Mubarak’s regime. Then there are those women such as, “the girl in the blue bra,” who like many others were viciously beaten because of their participation in the protests. Despite the horrific actions taken against women, they were only re-energized to participate in revolutions and powered the fight for women’s rights. These women are examples of those who challenged stereotypes of being oppressed in their society. They used various media outlets to have their voices heard while making their presence known in the Arab springs.

Many countries have had elections since the revolutions. In Tunisia’s 2011 election the Islamist party An-Nahda won the election but 25% of the seats in the new Constituent Assembly were taken by women who will be working to preserve their rights which they had secured in the past. In Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood won the election, raising concerns that discriminatory laws will be introduced. As these countries write their constitutions hopefully the voices of women have been heard so their rights can be incorporated into the structure and set an example for the other Arab nations that will follow in their footsteps.

By Nida Ahmad

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